La Cosa Nostra Spiel DAS KARTENSPIEL UM MACHT UND GELD!
La Cosa Nostra (Spiel) bei aliuqet.co | Günstiger Preis | Kostenloser Versand ab 29€ für ausgewählte Artikel. La Cosa Nostra ist ein spannendes und knallhartes Kartenspiel um Macht und Geld. Trete ein in die düstere Welt moderner Mafia-Erzählungen. Du bist der Boss –. La Cosa Nostra ist ein interaktives Spiel für 3 bis 5 Spieler. Jeder Spieler übernimmt die Rolle eines Mafiabosses und befehligt einige Gangster. Mit den. La Cosa Nostra Nichts für zarte Gemüter Die Mafia - eine Untergrundorganisation, die noch immer für Angst und Schrecken sorgt. In diesem Kartenspiel werdet. So hat Johannes Sich eine Förderkampagne auf startnext gestartet und das Spiel „LA COSA NOSTRA“ für Spieler entwickelt.
La Cosa Nostra ist ein interaktives Spiel für 3 bis 5 Spieler. Jeder Spieler übernimmt die Rolle eines Mafiabosses und befehligt einige Gangster. Mit den. Mafia-Spiel am Esszimmertisch | Für Spieler | Spieldauer ca. 90min | Empfohlen ab 16 Jahre | erhältlich beim SpieleTaxi. La Cosa Nostra ist kein nettes Spiel. Es ist böse und gemein. Es lässt den Spielern viele Freiheiten zur Interaktion und Ausgestaltung. Du musst dauernd damit.
An dispatch from the prefect of Palermo to Rome first officially described the phenomenon as a "Mafia".
Mafiosi meddled in politics early on, bullying voters into voting for candidates they favored. At this period in history, only a small fraction of the Sicilian population could vote, so a single mafia boss could control a sizable chunk of the electorate and thus wield considerable political leverage.
Given the highly fragmented and shaky Italian political system, cliques of Mafia-friendly politicians exerted strong influence.
In a series of reports between and , Ermanno Sangiorgi, the police chief of Palermo, identified mafiosi belonging to eight Mafia clans, which went through alternating phases of cooperation and conflict.
The Mafia also maintained funds to support the families of imprisoned members and pay defense lawyers. A study in The Economic Journal attributed the emergence of the Sicilian Mafia to the resource curse.
Early Mafia activity was strongly linked to Sicilian municipalities abundant in sulphur , Sicily's most valuable export commodity.
The combination of a weak state and a lootable natural resource made the sulphur-rich parts of Sicily vulnerable to the emergence of mafia-type organisations.
A valuable natural resource in areas where law enforcement is weak or absent creates a demand for private protection which mafia-type organizations can supply and opportunities for extortion also by mafia-type organizations.
In an environment with weak state presence, this socialist threat triggered landowners, estate managers and local politicians to turn to the Mafia to resist and combat peasant demands.
In , Benito Mussolini initiated a campaign to destroy the Mafia and assert Fascist control over Sicilian life. The Mafia threatened and undermined his power in Sicily, and a successful campaign would strengthen him as the new leader, legitimizing and empowering his rule.
At some point, Cuccia expressed surprise at Mussolini's police escort and whispered in his ear: "You are with me, you are under my protection.
What do you need all these cops for? Mussolini felt humiliated and outraged. Cuccia's careless remark has passed into history as the catalyst for Mussolini's war on the Mafia.
Mussolini firmly established his power in January ; he appointed Cesare Mori as the Prefect of Palermo in October and granted him special powers to fight the Mafia.
To force suspects to surrender, they would take their families hostage, sell off their property,  or publicly slaughter their livestock.
Some mafiosi who had been on the losing end of Mafia feuds voluntarily cooperated with prosecutors,  perhaps as a way of obtaining protection and revenge.
Charges of Mafia association were typically leveled at poor peasants and gabellotti farm leaseholders , but were avoided when dealing with major landowners.
Mori's campaign ended in June when Mussolini recalled him to Rome. He did not permanently crush the Mafia as the Fascist press proclaimed, but his campaign was very successful at suppressing it.
As Mafia informant Antonino Calderone reminisced: "The music changed. Mafiosi had a hard life. The Sicilian Families had all been broken up.
Sicily's murder rate sharply declined. In , nearly half a million Allied troops invaded Sicily. Crime soared in the upheaval and chaos.
Many inmates escaped from prisons, banditry returned, and the black market thrived. Mafia bosses reformed their clans, absorbing some of the marauding bandits into their ranks.
The changing economic landscape of Sicily shifted the Mafia's power base from rural to the urban areas. The Minister of Agriculture — a communist — pushed for reforms in which peasants were to get larger shares of produce, be allowed to form cooperatives and take over badly used land, and remove the system by which leaseholders known as " gabelloti " could rent land from landowners for their own short-term use.
The Mafia had connections to many landowners and murdered many socialist reformers. The most notorious attack was the Portella della Ginestra massacre , when 11 people were killed and 33 wounded during May Day celebrations on May 1, The bloodbath was perpetrated by bandit Salvatore Giuliano , who was possibly backed by local Mafia bosses.
In the s, a crackdown in the United States on drug trafficking led to the imprisonment of many American mafiosi. Cuba , a major hub for drug smuggling, was taken over by Fidel Castro and associated communists.
In American mafia boss Joseph Bonanno returned to Sicily to franchise his heroin operations to the Sicilian clans.
Anticipating rivalries for the lucrative American drug market, he negotiated the establishment of a Sicilian Mafia Commission to mediate disputes.
The post-war period saw a huge building boom in Palermo. Allied bombing in World War II had left more than 14, people homeless, and migrants were pouring in from the countryside,  so there was a huge demand for new homes.
Much of this construction was subsidized by public money. Between and , about 80 percent of building permits were given to just five people, none of whom represented major construction firms; they were likely Mafia frontmen.
Many buildings were illegally constructed before the city's planning was finalized. Mafiosi scared off anyone who dared to question the illegal building.
The result of this unregulated building was the demolition of many historic buildings and the erection of apartment blocks, many of which were not up to standard.
Mafia organizations entirely control the building sector in Palermo — the quarries where aggregates are mined, site clearance firms, cement plants, metal depots for the construction industry, wholesalers for sanitary fixtures, and so on.
During the s, the Mafia continued their deep penetration of the construction and cement industries. The cement business was appealing because it allows high levels of local economic involvement and is a good front for illegitimate operations.
The Sicilian Mafia has a long history of violent rivalries. In , mafia boss Cesare Manzella organized a drug shipment to the United States with the help of two Sicilian clans, the Grecos and the La Barberas.
Manzella entrusted another boss, Calcedonio Di Pisa , to handle the heroin. When the shipment arrived in the United States, however, the American buyers claimed that some heroin was missing, and paid Di Pisa a commensurately lower sum.
Di Pisa accused the Americans of defrauding him, while the La Barberas accused Di Pisa of embezzling the missing heroin. Many non-mafiosi were killed in the crossfire.
In April , several bystanders were wounded during a shootout in Palermo. In June, six military officers and a policeman in Ciaculli were killed while trying to dispose of a car bomb.
These incidents provoked national outrage and a crackdown in which nearly 2, arrests were made. Mafia activity fell as clans disbanded and mafiosi went into hiding.
The Sicilian Mafia Commission was dissolved; it did not re-form until The s and s were difficult times for the mafia, but in the s their rackets grew considerably more lucrative, particularly smuggling.
The most lucrative racket of the s was cigarette smuggling. Heroin refineries operated by Corsican gangsters in Marseilles were shut down by French authorities, and morphine traffickers looked to Sicily.
Starting in , Cosa Nostra set up heroin refineries around the island. Sicilian mafiosi moved to the United States to personally control distribution networks there, often at the expense of their U.
Heroin addiction in North America surged from the mids into the early s. In the early s, Luciano Leggio was boss of the Corleonesi clan and a member of the Sicilian Mafia Commission , and he forged a coalition of mafia clans known as the Corleonesi with himself as its leader.
He initiated a campaign to dominate Cosa Nostra and its narcotics trade. Leggio was imprisoned in , so he acted through his deputy Salvatore Riina , to whom he eventually handed over control.
The Corleonesi bribed cash-strapped Palermo clans into the fold, subverted members of other clans, and secretly recruited new members.
By manipulating the Mafia's rules and eliminating rivals, the Corleonesi came to completely dominate the Commission.
Riina used his power over the Commission to replace the bosses of certain clans with hand-picked regents. At the same time that the Corleonesi waged their campaign to dominate Cosa Nostra , they also waged a campaign of murder against journalists, officials, and policemen who dared to cross them.
The police were frustrated with the lack of help that they were receiving from witnesses and politicians. At the funeral of a policeman murdered by mafiosi in , policemen insulted and spat at two attending politicians, and a fight broke out between them and military police.
Their big break came with the arrest of Tommaso Buscetta , a mafioso who chose to turn informant in exchange for protection from the Corleonesi , who had already murdered many of his friends and relatives.
Other mafiosi followed his example. Falcone and Borsellino compiled their testimonies and organized the Maxi Trial which lasted from February to December It was held in a bunker -courthouse specially built for the occasion, where mafiosi were put on trial, of which, were convicted.
In January , the Italian Supreme Court confirmed these convictions. The Mafia retaliated violently. In , they murdered a Palermo judge and his son; three years later, a prosecutor and an anti-mafia businessman were also murdered.
Salvatore Lima , a close political ally of the Mafia, was murdered for failing to reverse the convictions as promised.
This led to a public outcry and a massive government crackdown, resulting in the arrest of Salvatore Riina in January More and more informants emerged.
Many paid a high price for their cooperation, usually through the murder of relatives. For example, Francesco Marino Mannoia's mother, aunt, and sister were murdered.
After Riina's capture, numerous terror attacks were ordered as warning to its members to not turn state's witness , but also in response for the overruling of the Article bis prison regime.
The Catholic Church openly condemned the Mafia, and two churches were bombed and an anti-Mafia priest shot dead in Rome.
The choice to hit cultural and church targets was partly to destabilize the government , but also because the Mafia felt that the Roman Catholic Church had abrogated an unwritten hands-off policy toward traditional organized crime in Southern Italy.
After Riina's capture, leadership of the Mafia was briefly held by Leoluca Bagarella , then passed to Bernardo Provenzano when Bagarella was captured in Under Bernardo Provenzano's leadership, murders of state officials were halted.
He also halted the policy of murdering informants and their families, with a view instead to getting them to retract their testimonies and return to the fold.
The tide of defectors was greatly stemmed. The Mafia preferred to initiate relatives of existing mafiosi, believing them to be less prone to defection.
Provenzano was arrested in , after 43 years on the run. His successor as boss is Messina Denaro. The incarcerated bosses are currently subjected to strict controls on their contact with the outside world, limiting their ability to run their operations from behind bars under the article bis prison regime.
He alleges that Cosa Nostra had direct contact in with representatives of Silvio Berlusconi who was then planning the birth of Forza Italia.
The alleged deal included a repeal of 41 bis, among other anti-Mafia laws, in return for electoral support in Sicily. The Italian Parliament reinforced the provisions of the 41 bis, with the full support of Forza Italia.
The bill was to expire in but has been prolonged for another four years and extended to other crimes such as terrorism. However, according to one of Italy's leading magazines L'Espresso , mafiosi have been released on an individual basis — one-fifth of those incarcerated under the 41 bis regime.
Deceased politician Giulio Andreotti and High Court judge Corrado Carnevale have long been suspected of having ties to the Mafia, in addition to Salvatore Lima mentioned above.
By the late s, the weakened Cosa Nostra had to yield most of the illegal drug trade to the 'Ndrangheta crime organization from Calabria.
In , the 'Ndrangheta was estimated to control 80 percent of the cocaine imported to Europe. In , the Mafia Capitale investigation revealed that the Mafia profits from the European migrant crisis and exploits refugees.
In October , members of the Renzvillo crime family and 2 Carabinieri military police officers were arrested for involvement in the drug trade and large scale extortion.
Altogether 37 people were arrested and over officers were deployed. The Renzvillo mafia family have allegedly set up alliances with the 'Ndrangheta and Camorra.
The leader is suspected of previously sending members of his organisation to Karlsruhe and Cologne in Germany.
On 22 January , 58 people connected to 16 mafia families were arrested by Carabinieri police in Caltanissetta, Palermo , Enna, Ragusa, Agrigento and Catania.
Some of the most common charges were mafia association, drug trafficking, extortion, fraud and vote buying.
Two companies running migrant reception centres in Sicily were targeted as protection rackets, overall 27 businesses were targeted and extorted.
On 1 February , 31 people with ties to a crime family based in Palermo were arrested and charged with money laundering, fraud and drug trafficking, as part of Operation "Game over".
Investigators also alleged that the American Mafia in New York had set up a profitable food export company with the Sicilian mafia.
The Cosa Nostra has traditionally been the most powerful group in Palermo. Because from Sicily to the US, the old mafia has returned".
Cosa Nostra is not a monolithic organization, but rather a loose confederation of about one hundred groups known alternately as "families", " cosche " , "borgatas" , or "clans.
Each of these claims sovereignty over a territory, usually a town or village or a neighborhood of a larger city, though without ever fully conquering and legitimizing its monopoly of violence.
For many years, the power apparatuses of the single families were the sole ruling bodies within the two associations, and they have remained the real centers of power even after superordinate bodies were created in the Cosa Nostra beginning in the late s the Sicilian Mafia Commission.
In , mafioso informant Tommaso Buscetta explained to prosecutors the command structure of a typical clan. Under his command are groups decina of about ten " soldiers " soldati , operai , or picciotti.
Each decina is led by a capodecina. The actual structure of any given clan can vary. Despite the name decina , they do not necessarily have ten soldiers, but can have anything from five to thirty.
The boss of a clan is typically elected by the rank-and-file soldiers though violent successions do happen. Due to the small size of most Sicilian clans, the boss of a clan has intimate contact with all members, and doesn't receive much in the way of privileges or rewards as he would in larger organizations such as the larger Five Families of New York.
The underboss is second in command to the boss. The underboss is sometimes a family member, such as a son, who will take over the family if the boss is sick, killed, or imprisoned.
The consigliere "counselor" of the clan is also elected on a yearly basis. One of his jobs is to supervise the actions of the boss and his immediate underlings, particularly in financial matters e.
To fulfill this role, the consigliere must be impartial, devoid of conflict of interest and ambition. Other than its members, Cosa Nostra makes extensive use of "associates".
These are people who work for or aid a clan or even multiple clans but are not treated as true members. These include corrupt officials and prospective mafiosi.
An associate is considered by the mafiosi nothing more than a tool, someone that they can "use", or "nothing mixed with nil.
The media has often made reference to a " capo di tutti capi " or "boss of bosses" that allegedly "commands all of Cosa Nostra". Calogero Vizzini , Salvatore Riina , and Bernardo Provenzano were especially influential bosses who have each been described by the media and law enforcement as being the "boss of bosses" of their times.
While a powerful boss may exert great influence over his neighbors, the position does not formally exist, according to Mafia turncoats such as Buscetta.
Membership in Cosa Nostra is open only to Sicilian men. A candidate cannot be a relative of or have any close links with a lawman, such as a police officer or a judge.
There is no strict age limit; men as young as sixteen have been initiated. The act of murder is to prove his sincerity i. To be part of the Mafia is highly desirable for many street criminals.
Mafiosi receive a great deal of respect, for everyone knows that to offend a mafioso is to risk lethal retribution from him or his colleagues.
Mafiosi have an easier time getting away with crimes, negotiating deals, and demanding privileges. A full member also gains more freedom to participate in certain rackets which the Mafia controls particularly protection racketeering.
Traditionally, only men can become mafiosi, though in recent times there have been reports of women assuming the responsibilities of imprisoned mafiosi relatives.
Clans are also called "families", although their members are usually not related by blood. The Mafia actually has rules designed to prevent nepotism.
Membership and rank in the Mafia are not hereditary. Most new bosses are not related to their predecessor. The Commission forbids relatives from holding positions in inter-clan bodies at the same time.
They have an easier time entering, because the son bears his father's seal of approval and is familiar with the traditions and requirements of Cosa Nostra.
A mafioso's legitimate occupation, if any, generally does not affect his prestige within Cosa Nostra. Since the s, the Mafia has maintained multiple commissions to resolve disputes and promote cooperation among clans.
Each province of Sicily has its own Commission. Clans are organized into districts Mandamenti of three or four geographically adjacent clans.
Each district elects a representative capo mandamento to sit on its Provincial Commission. Contrary to popular belief, the commissions do not serve as a centralized government for the Mafia.
The power of the commissions is limited and clans are autonomous and independent. Rather, each Commission serves as a representative mechanism for consultation of independent clans who decide by consensus.
Their power is intentionally limited. And it would be entirely wrong to see in the Cosa Nostra a centrally managed, internationally active Mafia holding company," according to criminologist Letizia Paoli.
A major function of the Commission is to regulate the use of violence. The Commission also deals with matters of succession.
When a boss dies or retires, his clan's reputation often crumbles with his departure. This can cause clients to abandon the clan and turn to neighboring clans for protection.
These clans would grow greatly in status and power relative to their rivals, potentially destabilizing the region and precipitating war. Alternatively, the commission has the power to appoint a regent for the clan until it can elect a new boss.
One of the first accounts of an initiation ceremony into the Mafia was given by Bernardino Verro , a leader of the Fasci Siciliani , a popular movement of democratic and socialist inspiration which arose in Sicily in the early s.
In order to give the movement teeth and to protect himself from harm, Verro became a member of a Mafia group in Corleone, the Fratuzzi Little Brothers.
In a memoir written many years later, he described the initiation ritual which he underwent in the spring of I entered a mysterious room where there were many men armed with guns sitting around a table.
In the center of the table there was a skull drawn on a piece of paper and a knife. In order to be admitted to the Fratuzzi , [I] had to undergo an initiation consisting of some trials of loyalty and the pricking of the lower lip with the tip of the knife: the blood from the wound soaked the skull.
After his arrest, mafioso Giovanni Brusca described the ceremony in which he was formally made a full member of Cosa Nostra.
In , he was invited to a "banquet" at a country house. He was brought into a room where several mafiosi were sitting around a table upon which sat a pistol, a dagger, and a piece of paper bearing the image of a saint.
They questioned his commitment and his feelings regarding criminality and murder despite his already having a history of such acts.
When he affirmed himself, Salvatore Riina , then the most powerful boss of Cosa Nostra , took a needle and pricked Brusca's finger.
Brusca smeared his blood on the image of the saint, which he held in his cupped hands as Riina set it alight. As Brusca juggled the burning image in his hands, Riina said to him: "If you betray Cosa Nostra, your flesh will burn like this saint.
The elements of the ceremony have changed little over the Mafia's history. Sociologist Diego Gambetta points out that the Mafia, being a secretive criminal organization, cannot risk having its recruits sign application forms and written contracts which might be seized by the police.
Thus they rely on the old-fashioned ritual ceremony. The elements of the ceremony are made deliberately specific, bizarre, and painful so that the event is both memorable and unambiguous, and the ceremony is witnessed by a number of senior mafiosi.
The participants may not even care about what the symbols mean, and they may indeed have no intrinsic meaning. The real point of the ritual is to leave no doubt about the mafioso's new status so that it cannot be denied or revoked on a whim.
There is always a risk that outsiders and undercover policemen might masquerade as a mafioso to infiltrate the organization.
To ensure that this does not happen, a mafioso must never introduce himself to another mafioso whom he does not personally know, even if he knows the other through reputation.
If he wants to establish a relationship, he must ask a third mafioso whom they both personally know to introduce them to each other in a face-to-face meeting.
This intermediary can vouch that neither of the two is an impostor. This tradition is upheld scrupulously, often to the detriment of efficient operation.
For instance, when mafioso Indelicato Amedeo returned to Sicily following his initiation in the United States in the s, he could not announce his membership to his own mafioso father, but had to wait for a mafioso from the United States who knew of his induction to come to Sicily and introduce the son to the father.
Mafiosi of equal status sometimes call each other " compare ", while inferiors call their superiors " padrino ".
In November , Sicilian police reported discovery of a list of "Ten Commandments" in the hideout of mafia boss Salvatore Lo Piccolo , thought to be guidelines on good, respectful, and honourable conduct for a mafioso.
These rules are not to touch the women of other men of honour; not to steal from other men of honour or, in general, from anyone; not to exploit prostitution; not to kill other men of honour unless strictly necessary; to avoid passing information to the police; not to quarrel with other men of honour; to maintain proper behavior; to keep silent about Cosa Nostra around outsiders; to avoid under all circumstances introducing oneself to other men of honour.
The penalty for transgression is death, and relatives of the turncoat may also be murdered. Mafiosi generally do not associate with police aside perhaps from corrupting individual officers as necessary.
For instance, a mafioso will not call the police when he is a victim of a crime. He is expected to take care of the problem himself.
To do otherwise would undermine his reputation as a capable protector of others see below , and his enemies may see him as weak and vulnerable.
The need for secrecy and inconspicuousness deeply colors the traditions and mannerisms of mafiosi. Mafiosi are discouraged from consuming alcohol or other drugs , as in an inebriated state they are more likely to blurt out sensitive information.
They also frequently adopt self-effacing attitudes to strangers so as to avoid unwanted attention. Mafiosi are also forbidden from writing down anything about their activities, lest such evidence be discovered by police.
Civilians who buy their protection or make other deals are expected to be discreet, on pain of death. Witness intimidation is also common.
Scholars such as Diego Gambetta and Leopold Franchetti have characterized the Mafia as a "cartel of private protection firms".
The primary activity of the Mafia is to provide protection and guarantee trust in areas of the Sicilian economy where the police and courts cannot be relied upon.
The Mafia arbitrates disputes between criminals, organizes and oversees illicit business deals, and protects businessmen and criminals from cheats, thieves, and vandals.
This aspect of the Mafia is often overlooked in the media because, unlike drug dealing and extortion, it is often not reported to the police.
In one of his books, Gambetta illustrates this concept with the scenario of a meat wholesaler who wishes to sell some meat to a supermarket without paying sales tax.
Since the transaction is essentially a black market deal, the agents cannot turn to the police or the courts if either of them cheats the other.
The seller might supply rotting meat, or the purchaser might refuse to pay. The mistrust and fear of being cheated with no recourse might prevent these two agents from making a profitable transaction.
To guarantee each other's honesty, the two parties can ask the local mafia clan to oversee the transaction. In exchange for a commission, the mafioso promises to both the buyer and seller that if either of them tries to cheat the other, the cheater can expect to be assaulted or have his property vandalized.
Such is the mafioso's reputation for viciousness, impartiality, and reliability that neither the buyer nor the seller would consider cheating with him overseeing the deal.
The transaction thus proceeds smoothly. The Mafia's protection is not restricted to illegal activities.
Shopkeepers often pay the Mafia to protect them from thieves. If a shopkeeper enters into a protection contract with a mafioso, the mafioso will make it publicly known that if any thief were foolish enough to rob his client's shop, he would track down the thief, beat him up, and, if possible, recover the stolen merchandise mafiosi make it their business to know all the fences in their territory.
Mafiosi have protected a great variety of clients over the years: landowners, plantation owners, politicians, shopkeepers, drug dealers, etc.
Whilst some people are coerced into buying protection and some do not receive any actual protection for their money extortion , by and large there are many clients who actively seek and benefit from mafioso protection.
This is one of the main reasons why the Mafia has resisted more than a century of government efforts to destroy it: the people who willingly solicit these services protect the Mafia from the authorities.
If one is enjoying the benefits of Mafia protection, one does not want the police arresting one's mafioso. Mafiosi might sometimes ask for favours instead of money, such as assistance in committing a crime.
Protection from theft is one service that the Mafia provides to paying "clients". Mafiosi themselves are generally forbidden from committing theft  though in practice they are merely forbidden from stealing from anyone connected to the Mafia.
If a protected business is robbed, the clan will use these contacts to track down and return the stolen goods and punish the thieves, usually by beating them up.
Mafiosi sometimes protect businesspeople from competitors by threatening their competitors with violence. If two businesspeople are competing for a government contract, the protected can ask their mafioso friends to bully their rival out of the bidding process.
In another example, a mafioso acting on behalf of a coffee supplier might pressure local bars into serving only their client's coffee.
The primary method by which the Mafia stifles competition, however, is the overseeing and enforcement of collusive agreements between businesspeople.
Mafia-enforced collusion typically appears in markets where collusion is both desirable inelastic demand , lack of product differentiation , etc.
Mafiosi approach potential clients in an aggressive but friendly manner, like a door-to-door salesman. If a client rejects their overtures, mafiosi sometimes coerce them by vandalizing their property or other forms of harassment.
Physical assault is rare; clients may be murdered for breaching agreements or talking to the police, but not for simply refusing protection.
In many situations, mafia bosses prefer to establish an indefinite long-term bond with a client, rather than make one-off contracts.
The boss can then publicly declare the client to be under his permanent protection his "friend", in Sicilian parlance.
This leaves little public confusion as to who is and isn't protected, so thieves and other predators will be deterred from attacking a protected client and prey only on the unprotected.
Mafiosi generally do not involve themselves in the management of the businesses they protect or arbitrate.
Lack of competence is a common reason, but mostly it is to divest themselves of any interests that may conflict with their roles as protectors and arbitrators.
This makes them more trusted by their clients, who need not fear their businesses being taken over.
In diesem Kartenspiel werdet ihr Teil dieser "Familie" Alle Kartenstapel werden separat gemischt und auf den entsprechenden Platz der beiden Papp-Kartenfelder gelegt.
Zuletzt wird noch ein Startspieler bestimmt und die Partie kann losgehen. Das Spiel geht über 4 Runden, die jeweils in 4 Phasen eingeteilt sind:.
In Phase "1" werden neue Karten Auftrags- und Einflusskarten gezogen. Phase "2" ist die Planungsphase, hier werden reihum den Gangstern Auftragskarten von der Hand zugewiesen oder man schickt sie zum Einkauf einer Businesskarte los.
In Phase "3" kommt es nun endlich zur Ausführung der in der vorigen Phase geplanten Aktionen. Reihum werden diese nacheinander abgehandelt, wobei es passieren kann, dass durch die Aktionen des einen Spielers die Aktionen eines anderen Spielers unmöglich werden.
Nach dem Abhandeln der Aktionen ist in der letzten Phase Zahltag. Die Businesskarten werfen ihr Einkommen ab. Es gibt zusätzlich Geld für Monopolstellungen.
Nachdem das Handkartenlimit überprüft wurde, kann die nächste Runde losgehen. Nach der 4. Runde endet das Spiel mit einem Zahltag mit doppeltem Einkommen.
Es gibt nun noch Bonusgeld für den Spieler mit den meisten aktiven Gangstern und für beseitigte Gangster.